In Kirkuk, the return of Iraqi rule has brought back Arabization,
with Kurds being threatened and evicted from their homes. At the same time,
Arab politicians are trying to reverse Kurdification and help Arabs return to their
destroyed villages.
The statue of a Peshmerga fighter carries an Iraqi flag since the Iraqi government took over Kirkuk PHOTO JUDIT NEURINK |
Kirkuk, Judit Neurink
The taking
over of the Iraqi city of Kirkuk by the Iraqi army in October has changed the balance
of power in the oil-rich town that both Baghdad and the Kurds claim. The
operation was part of sanctions imposed by Baghdad after the Kurds held an
independence referendum that has since been declared illegal.
In Kirkuk,
many signs of the three years of Kurdish control have already been erased. The
pictures of Kurds who fell in the battle against the Islamic terror group ISIS have
been replaced by images of Iraqi martyrs, and the twenty-meter tall statue of a
Kurdish peshmerga fighter on the motorway into the city now carries an Iraqi
flag. Even more important, however, is the resumption of the Arabization
process, says Awad Amin, an independent Kurdish member of the Kirkuk Provincial
Council.
In his
office in the Council’s compound in downtown Kirkuk, with the bodyguards of
Turkmen and Arab colleagues hanging around in the corridor, he says: “All the
balances have changed. Some feel that now is the time to readjust all the wrong
decisions made by the Kurds.”
Mixed
Kirkuk is a
mixed city which is shared between Kurds, Arabs, Turkmen and Christians.
Politically, the Kurds were a majority and held the governor’s post, but the
deadlock over new elections, power sharing, and the status of the disputed city
has remained impossible to break. Since the Iraqi take-over, the
departure of the governor and a number of Kurdish politicians has changed the
political balance of power.
In the Seventies
and Eighties, the Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein confiscated hundreds of acres of
agricultural lands from the Kurds and gave them to Arabs whom he lured from southern
Iraq in order to Arabize the area. Yet the Kurds consider Kirkuk Kurdish and call
it their Jerusalem, the capital of a future independent Kurdish state. The new
Iraqi constitution introduced after the dictator’s removal in 2003 includes clauses
relating to the reclaiming of stolen
lands. But the process has been difficult and slow.
“Only a few
of the six thousand cases have ever been resolved,” Amin says. “Now we see
Arabs coming back and threatening the Kurds. Anywhere they feel they can retake
the land, they will. The Kurds feel hopeless.”
Most
recently, Iraqi police were involved in threatening Kurds in the village of
Palkana in Kirkuk Province. They ordered them to leave their homes within 72
hours, since members of an Arab tribe were waiting to take them over. After
urgent complaints, the authorities in Baghdad prevented this from happening.
Security
The threat
is acute because the Kurds have lost their own security forces, who were partly
evicted when the Iraqi army took over on October 16. “The government of Iraq was
acting from the victory over ISIS, when retaking disputed areas,” says Amin,
echoing the loss many Kurds feel after almost half of the territories under
their control were taken back by Baghdad to punish them for holding the
referendum.
As Turkmen
and Arabs both have militias to guarantee their safety, Kurds feel exposed. “We
have no problem with the Iraqi army, but the various militias have their own
agendas,” says Amin. “Now there is fear of tension and protests. There is no
stability, the situation is gloomy.”
But according
to Rawla Hamid al-Obeidi, a member of the Arab Committee on the Provincial
Council, the Kurdish forces cannot return. “They caused many problems here. They
were tied to the Kurdish parties and working to further their interests. We are
against those kinds of forces.” Yet the Shiite and Sunni volunteers with the
Hashed al-Shabi militias are connected to political parties in more or
less the same way.
Al-Obeidi
states that, since the situation is now stable and safe, all Kurds are welcome
to return. It is just a rumour that those who voted in favour of Kurdish
independence are not welcome, she says. Still, the fact that the Kurds imposed both
their referendum and the Kurdish flag on the people of Kirkuk is “a big problem
for us. The Kurdish flag should only fly in those places where the Kurds rule.”
Flag
The Kurds
saw the flying of their flag to be within their rights; after all they had
taken control of the city after chasing ISIS away. But Al-Obeidi brands it as “imposing
their vision on the city. They used their majority to push things through. Which
is bullying – we are supposed to pass laws by agreement.”
While the
Kurds complain about Arabization, the Arabs accuse them of Kurdification. Now
that Kurdish rule has ended, Al-Obeidi is working on taking the Peshmerga to
court over the destruction of Arab villages in the battle against ISIS. Human
Rights organizations have reported that dozens of villages in the Kirkuk
province were razed and flattened and its inhabitants expelled. While the
Peshmerga branded them ISIS-villages, the operation was seen as a move by the Kurds
to take over disputed areas.
Some 82
villages were destroyed, says Al-Obeidi, and over 22 000 people were displaced
and made homeless. “The Peshmerga trespassed on the rights
of the Arab people living there.” She wants to bring the matter to the
international courts, so those responsible will be punished, and she mounted a
campaign to help the villagers to go back home.
Both Arab
and Turkmen members of the Provincial Council state that the situation is
better than before, but that opinion is not shared outside the Council
compound. “You do not know who to trust,” says the freelance Turkmen journalist
Omar Hilali. “Before, people feared the Kurds. Now anyone can pick you up.”
And Hilali
was himself picked up and forced by Iraqi security forces to sign a document stating
that he had no links to the Kurdish media. “But many of my friends are Kurdish
journalists! Now I dare not even pick up the phone when they call me.” The same
thing has happened to NGO workers, he says. “In the thirteen years I have worked
as a journalist, I have never felt like this before.”
Revenge
The first
weeks after the takeover saw many revenge attacks. And because many people have
bought arms, citizens are wary of what will happen next. The first signs of future
violence are already there: following the looting and destruction of thousands
of Kurdish homes after their owners fled the nearby Turkmen-Kurdish town of
Touz Khurmatu, a Kurdish resistance group has been formed to fight the Shiite
militias controlling the area.
Hilali
fears for the fragile relations between the different groups in Kirkuk. “Before,
we thought the ties between the different components were strong. Now we know
they could break under the slightest pressure.”
Awad Amin
agrees that the problems between the groups have been aggravated. “The
different groups are moving further and further apart.” That goes for politics
as well – the Provincial Council cannot meet since the Arabs and Turkmen are boycotting
its Kurdish members.
The Council
seems to be following the example set by Baghdad, which continues to refuse
appeals from Erbil to improve the situation through direct dialogue. For Amin,
there is a strong connection. “Normalization can only happen after Erbil and
Baghdad have entered into direct negotiations. Our problems can only be solved at
the highest level.”
This story was published in Al-Monitor in January 2018
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